Puzeh, Feb 5: Afghan rural
areas will be at greater risk of falling to the Taliban if the U.S. accedes to
Kabul's demands to speed up the withdrawal of special-operations teams working
with Afghan village self-defense units, an internal report prepared for the U.S.
military warned.
Afghan President Hamid Karzai, during talks with
President Barack Obama in Washington this month, secured an agreement on
withdrawing U.S. troops from Afghan villages this spring, months ahead of
previous schedules. Afghan officials indicated they believe this commitment
includes the special-operations teams working with village forces known as the
Afghan Local Police. Coalition officials said the matter is under
discussion.
The ALP have been built and trained by coalition
special-operations units in rural areas that are usually beyond the reach of the
Afghan army and regular police. Around 19,000 local police have been deployed
since the program began in 2010.
The report, written by a research firm
with ties to the Pentagon, warned that the ALP program is in danger of
collapse—and that local leaders may be more vulnerable to assassination and
intimidation—in case of a too-rapid U.S. pullout, according to excerpts viewed
by The Wall Street Journal.
That conclusion echoes longstanding concerns
aired by military commanders who prefer that a withdrawal be built around
conditions on the ground, rather than deadlines.
"A lot of locals have
put their necks out against the Taliban," said Seth Jones, associate director of
the International Security and Defense Policy Center at the RAND Corp., who said
he wasn't aware of the report but had spoken to Afghan officials about the
issue. "If you pull [special-operations forces] outthe villagers are going to be
the ones that pay the price."
Afghan and coalition officials are
discussing how to adjust its timeline, said U.S. Army Lt. Col. Tom Bryant, a
spokesman for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Special Operations
Component Command-Afghanistan, which is responsible for the ALP
program.
"There obviously are consequencesif a precipitous departure from
all villages is directed," he said. "Our headquarters is working to further
define those [consequences] and develop mitigating strategies as a
contingency."
Sediq Sediqqi, the spokesman for the Afghan Interior
Ministry, which oversees ALP, declined to comment on the
negotiations.
The U.S. military has long billed the ALP, a project that
was implemented over Mr. Karzai's objections, as the centerpiece of its
counterinsurgency campaign. At present, around 17% of Afghanistan's
population—roughly 5 million people—are protected by ALP units, according to the
Special Operations Command.
The ALP program is controversial: Officials
in Kabul and human-rights advocates worry it could pave the way for the return
of lawless militias once international forces go home. Some ALP members have
been involved in extortion, murder and rape, according to the watchdog
Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission.
"This is not a perfect
program, by any stretch of the imagination," said U.S. Army Col. Don Bolduc,
deputy commanding general for NATO Special Operations Component
Command-Afghanistan. But, he added, "the misconduct is extremely low in
comparison to the numbers that are out there."
Col. Bolduc said ALP
members have been held accountable for misconduct, including a high-profile case
in which four local police officers received lengthy convictions for sexual
assault. The program, he said, provides better government oversight than
unregulated militias.
The military-commissioned report reflects a major
concern of U.S. special operations advisers: whether the ALP experiment in rural
policing will survive, particularly in Afghan communities that have only a
tenuous link to the central government.
One of those communities is
Puzeh, an outpost in southern Helmand province, Afghanistan's prime
opium-growing country and the Taliban's historic heartland. Two years ago, the
Taliban "had complete freedom of movement here," said a Marine
special-operations team sergeant working with the ALP in Puzeh. A year ago, the
Marines and Afghan police fought raging gunbattles to reclaim the
area.
Today, the U.S. advisers stroll outside their mud-brick compound
without body armor. ALP members patrol in pickup trucks and on motorbikes and
man checkpoints along Highway 611, the main road in the district.
On a
recent day, a special-operations team leader, wearing traditional Afghan dress,
stopped to visit a mosque under construction. Then, following a chat with an ALP
patrol, he went for a spin on the village's unpaved road on a borrowed Afghan
bicycle.
Military officials describe the ALP program as a tenuous
experiment that depends on the effectiveness of the Afghan government, where
corruption has helped drive support for the insurgency; in some areas, the
Taliban have been able to offer dispute resolution and other services as an
alternative to corrupt and ineffectual local bodies.
"We can help them
all day long, but if they don't have confidence in their district government,
then it's all for naught," said a Marine special operations company commander in
Puzeh.
In another village outpost in Helmand, a U.S. Navy SEAL team
leader described his worry that ALP units could collapse without serious backing
from the Afghan state.
The most optimistic outcome, he said, is that ALP
and the villagers "will have enough of a connection to government, they'll
prefer the government to the Taliban."
But, the SEAL team leader
reckoned, the locals "will probably make some sort of small deals with [the
Taliban], and make sort of a peace treaty" once the Americans
leave.
Ends
SA/EN
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New threat seen in Afghan pullout
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